Some Southern California church leaders pushing political extremes
Church and politics often mix. But Christian nationalism and conspiracy theories may be new elements in local sermons.
(OC Register)
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| Hotsenpiller |
Consider also Phil Hotsenpiller, pastor of Influence Church in Anaheim Hills, who has launched a news network called American Faith. He told his congregation his journalists are “soldiers” and called for waging war against everything from big technology to mandated coronavirus safety measures to social justice — an idea that he said is “becoming our downfall.”
Then there’s Joe Pedick, pastor of Calvary Chapel of the Harbour in Huntington Beach. Four days after some of the rioters at the Jan. 6 assault on the U.S. Capitol were seen carrying “Jesus Saves” signs, Pedick told his congregation that he’d been assured by trusted sources that “a lot of things” would happen before Joe Biden was sworn in as president on Jan. 20.
“There is a plan, there is (sic) things in place that are trying to turn this around,” Pedick said. “Justice is coming.”
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| Thompson |
“I am a Christian and we are a nation,” said Hotsenpiller, who regularly preaches in front of a large projected image of the American flag. “So, to be anything other than nationalist, I don’t understand.”
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Churches get political
.In recent years, America has seen a surge of political activism from the pulpit.
A 2020 study by Duke University found that over the past two decades churches have stepped up everything from voter registration drives and political lobbying to letting candidates speak directly to the congregation.
This trend is not limited to one side of the political spectrum. The Duke study found Black churches, which tend to lean liberal, have grown more politically active than their conservative counterparts, with a surge around opposition to Trump’s anti-immigration laws.
A number of Southern California churches have a strong social justice focus. Many local pastors spoke out and even took to the streets in protest during last summer’s racial reckoning following the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis.
Religion and politics are so intertwined today that it is nearly impossible not to discuss politics in church, said Rev. Ralph E. Williamson, senior pastor of Christ Our Redeemer African Methodist Episcopal Church, a predominantly Black congregation in Irvine.
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| Pedick |
“What matters in this election is how we vote on the first question. I believe we should vote ‘yes’ on recalling (Newsom). And I’ve made that very clear to my congregation. Getting Newsom out should be our top priority.”
Thompson’s words might reflect the ire felt by some people frustrated with California’s aggressive moves to mandate masks and vaccines, and to limit public gatherings — including church gatherings — during peak times of the pandemic. White evangelical churches in particular battled the state to let church doors open.
Since the Bible does tell believers to “meet together,” conservative congregations mobilized around the idea that a Democratic leader, Newsom, was trying to force them to violate God’s word. That’s morphed into a battle by some churches to fight a variety of efforts to mitigate the virus.
But [Nancy Brink, an ordained minister and director of church relations at Chapman University in Orange] sees a clear difference between issues such as immigration and equality, and public health. In fact, she argues, refusing to take steps to reduce the spread of a sometimes fatal disease is not in line with scripture, which directs Christians to care for their neighbors and “submit… to the governing authorities.”
But during a sermon he gave at the start of the pandemic, Hotsenpiller — who is among a minority of religious leaders refusing to get vaccinated — equated anti-virus efforts with giving into fear. He talked about walking into a store while not wearing a mask and told his congregation that “corona” comes from the Latin word for “crown” and that fear of the virus means giving allegiance to “corona instead of God.”
Other right-leaning churches have pushed back against the Black Lives Matter movement and spoken out in opposition of public schools teaching students about systemic racism.
That racial element alarms Robert Jones, founder of the Public Religion Research Institute and author of a new book, “White Too Long,” which looks at the legacy of White supremacy in Christian churches.
In Jones’ view, pastors who push against equal rights for people of color under the guise of patriotism are promoting a mythical idea that true Americans are White and Christian. He said it’s not a coincidence that White Christian nationalism is taking off during a period when evangelical power is waning. White Christians, in fact, have become a minority, shrinking from 54% of the U.S. population in 2008 to 44% today.
Trump was able to capture that sense of “White grievance” in a way that blends conservative Christian faith with patriotism, said Brink, of Chapman. She pointed out how speakers at this year’s Conservative Political Action Conference made a gold statue of Trump and how others have spoken about his return to office as a Christ-like second coming.
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Extremism on display
Data suggests that White evangelical Christians account for a disproportionately high share of Trump’s political supporters. It’s the inverse of Black church support for Obama.
But White evangelicals also are more likely than others to believe QAnon conspiracy theories, polls show, including the false theory that Democrats are Satan-worshipping pedophiles who operate a global child-trafficking ring.
And Jones, among others, said it’s not hard to see a link between Christians who hold such views and the Jan. 6 insurrection.
.One Orange County man arrested for allegedly playing a role in the Capitol attack has clear church ties: Glenn Allen Brooks. His arrest came after a member of a prayer group from his Huntington Beach church tipped off the FBI. Brooks and his attorney didn’t respond to requests to comment.
One driver of the Jan. 6 attack was the false claim — launched by Trump and his supporters — that he actually won the 2020 election. Some area pastors have helped to spread that falsehood.
Pedick, senior pastor at Calvary Chapel of the Harbour, was a scheduled speaker during a December “Stop the Steal” rally put on by O.C. residents Alan Hostetter and Russ Taylor, both of whom have since been indicted for their alleged roles on Jan. 6. During the December rally, Hostetter made claims about a rigged presidential election. He also said “execution is the just punishment for the ringleaders of this coup.”
Pedick declined repeated requests to comment.
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| Lindell |
Last year, during a speech outside the Riverside County Administrative Center, Thompson told pastors to “man up” and “get back to what we saw in the Revolutionary War.” He referenced the Black Robe Regiment, which he describes as pro-independence pastors who, after giving a sermon, would fold their black robes back to show that “their gun belts were on underneath, ready to go to work.”
Thompson also holds up three fingers as he references the “3%,” repeating a false claim that only 3% of the population fought the British during the Revolutionary War. He’s been seen on social media sporting a patch affiliated with the “Three Percenters,” a known anti-government extremist group
However, when asked about that speech, Thompson said he’s not a member of the Three Percenters. He wore their patch, he said, because he considers himself among the 3% of pastors in the country “who actually has the courage to preach the Gospel.”
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| Williamson |
Opponents of the Johnson Amendment claim the restrictions have a chilling effect on religious organizations’ right to free speech. But Gregory Magarian, professor of law at Washington University in St. Louis, said it serves as an important dividing line between religious institutions and core, candidate-focused political activity.
“There has been a lot of mixing between religion and political advocacy,” Magarian said. “The Johnson Amendment serves as a boundary, which prevents that from going further. It also prevents candidates from putting pressure on religious institutions to endorse them.”
Trump famously claimed during his 2016 campaign and after taking office that he’d “totally destroy” the Johnson Amendment. He later signed an executive order directing the Treasury Department to not take “adverse action” against churches for engaging in political speech. But any changes to the tax code would have to come from Congress, and an IRS spokesman said this month that the agency continues to “administer the law as written.”
That said, the Johnson Amendment has never been consistently enforced. And when it is, the result can be problematic for both the church and the IRS….
